Tuesday, January 10, 2012 - 2:01 AM

Alexandros Petersen is Advisor with the European Energy Security Initiative at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, DC, and the author of The World Island: Eurasian Geopolitics and the Fate of the West. This post is the result of a recent visit to China and Central Asia.
On a recent visit to China, Turkmenistan President Gurbanguly Berdymukhamedov smiled broadly as he was awarded the title of Emeritus Professor at Peking University. Yet his satisfaction was probably less the academic distinction than a lucrative energy export deal he had signed earlier that day -- 65 billion cubic meters of natural gas, roughly half of China's 2010 gas consumption, would eventually flow from Turkmenistan's massive fields to China's seemingly insatiable consumers.
This end-of-year agreement prompted some observers to proclaim that gas-rich Turkmenistan had achieved a coup against regional political powerhouse Russia: For years, Moscow has been negotiating a gas export deal with Beijing, but what would it do now that China was receiving so much supply from Turkmenistan? Yet that analysis is backwards: Rather than a Turkmen power play, the natural gas deal was a geopolitical chess move by Beijing, whose fundamental interest in the region is both raw resources, and raw power. While the West is focused on constraining China's actions in the Asia-Pacific, Beijing is capitalizing on vast space for influence to its west in Central Asia.
AFP/Getty Images
Friday, August 5, 2011 - 12:05 AM

A new middle class - the other commodities story: Share prices have surged in recent years for agriculture, metals and energy companies, and traders betting long on the commodities sold by these companies have been rewarded richly as well. Now the Wall Street Journal finds a far more dramatic impact across borders -- Eric Bellman reports that the boom in palm oil (seeds pictured above), cocoa, rubber, coal and more has created a new or larger middle class in countries like Brazil, Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand. In Indonesia, writes Bellman, "rubber tappers, cocoa pickers, coal miners and other rural laborers have in some cases seen their incomes more than triple in the last three years, making the workers' wealthier than some city residents and putting them on the radar of such multinational consumer-goods makers as Honda Motor Co. and Unilever." Of course, if you are not engaged in palm-oil farming or other commodities businesses, you are probably hurting with high prices. The palm oil boom has also caused deforestation in Indonesia. But Bellman quotes figures from the Asian Development Bank that from 1999 to 2009, Indonesia's middle class doubled to 93 million people, or 40 percent of the population of 229 million people.
The trouble in Greenland: Shell has gotten provisional approval to drill for oil offshore from Alaska's North Slope in the Arctic Ocean. After five years and $4 billion in spending, Shell is pretty thrilled. Oil booms can be exciting, but there is something other-worldly about the hoopla surrounding the Arctic, which every large oil company on the planet, not to mention the leaders of a few states such as Russia, appears unabashedly eager to develop as the next big frontier. The ice-melting impact of global warming is opening up the Arctic Circle, the location of 25 percent of the world's remaining oil and gas reserves, according to the U.S. Geological Survey. But earlier this week, we got a reminder that the arrival of a sloshy ice pack doesn't make this forbidding region easy to work in. Cairn Energy, which had already faced creatively angry activists from Greenpeace, says it is abandoning a dry hole it has drilled on Greenland's west coast, one of four wells costing $600 million that the British company plans in the country. The company says it's going ahead with the other wells. ExxonMobil, Chevron and Encana Corp. also hold drilling licenses there. As for Shell and Alaska, this is just the first major hurdle.
Read on for more of the Wrap
AFP / Getty Images
Thursday, April 21, 2011 - 7:10 PM

We continue to wonder what is happening in authoritarian Muslim petro-nations outside the Middle East and North Africa. We previously published excerpts of Afghanistan coverage by Muhammad Tahir, Washington correspondent for RFE/RL. With the post below, Muhammad offers his take on Turkmenistan, the natural gas-rich Central Asian republic bordering Iran, Afghanistan and the Caspian Sea. The opinions expressed are his alone, and do not necessarily reflect those of RFE/RL.
Turkmenistan has the brew familiar to observers of recent Middle East events -- obscene volumes of hydrocarbons; a wealthy few and a dirt-poor mass; official corruption ranking among the worst on the planet, according to Transparency International; a delusional and megalomaniacal leader; and an Orwellian sense of reality created by strictly censored state media and a clamp on phone calls and the Internet.
People have not taken to the streets of Ashgabad or any Turkmen city, but the government of President Gurbanguly Berdymukhamedov (pictured above) doesn't seem sure they won't. So there is an absolute blackout on news about the Arab Spring, and stepped-up monitoring of possible rabble-rousers in and out of the country.
In January, a Russian telecoms company named MTS lost a five-year-old contract providing cell phone and Internet service to 80 percent of the Turkmen market, or 2.5 million of the country's 4.5 million inhabitants. Turkmen authorities said the reason was that MTS was profiting too much, and sharing too little with the state in the form of taxes and royalties. But the contract suspension had a knock-on effect, which was to shut off all non-state sources of information and communication in the already heavily censored and monitored country.
The government is worried not only about Turkmen at home. It is also kept awake at night with concern over possible mischief by hundreds of Turkmen living abroad. Reports in Ashgabad are of a government attempt to pressure Turkmen students and workers overseas to return home, and then keep them there. A rumor is circulating that if Turkmen students abroad return home, they run the risk of not being permitted to leave the country again.
The government itself isn't talking about why. But one line of thinking is that these youth might have been influenced by revolutionary ideas, and that they could become further infected the longer they are away from home, and hence run the risk of destabilizing Turkmenistan.
Eric Feferberg AFP/Getty Images
Wednesday, January 12, 2011 - 2:23 PM
Choose your allegory: the story of the woman who shouts at her husband, who then kicks the dog? Or the tale of who gets the $585 million? Which better explains the troubles of MTS, the Russian telecom company whose business has fallen apart in natural-gas-rich Turkmenistan?
In October, Russia's silver-tongued energy czar, Igor Sechin, flew down to Turkmenistan, and immediately ignited a firestorm by announcing that the country's natural gas (the world's fourth-largest reserves) wasn't needed in Europe -- Russia would handle that business. That sounded a lot like intimidation to Turkmenistan, whose main cash market has traditionally been Europe, and which relies on Russian pipelines to get its gas there. So it was that, in the subsequent weeks, Turkmenistan offered expanded gas shipments to China -- and informed MTS that it would not extend its five-year mobile phone license, which expired Dec. 21. Until then, MTS had some 2 million Turkmen subscribers, or 80 percent of the market.
That covers the dog allegory -- MTS suffered because of the dark and clumsy Sechin, who has used such blunt language as a matter of course while directing Russia's energy sphere for Prime Minister Vladimir Putin.
The alternative refers to the sum that MTS expects to lose over the next five years from the demise of its Turkmen business. One is tempted to blame Sechin, but as for myself, the latter best explains MTS's troubles. As I heard from a buddy whose business it is to watch Turkmenistan, "If you made me guess, it was because [the mobile phone business] is an awesome cash cow to get. Too much for those close to president's aides to resist."
In short, President Gurmanguly Berdymukhamedov's apparat wants the $585 million.
This should be no surprise to MTS, which is controlled by Vladimir Yevtushenkov (No. 93 on Forbes' list of the world's billionaires). (Pushing the dog-kicking metaphor further, Yevtushenkov's holding company, Sistema, yesterday launched a product called Glonass that challenges U.S. control of the GPS market, which drove Putin to crow that the technology targets "women so they can always know where their husbands are, identify their position precisely on the map," Reuters reports.) Yevtushenkov is no child. In Russia, the telecom business is superlatively brutal, and slash, burn, pummel, and sue have defined the route to success.
But someone needs to tell MTS that that's not how things work in Central Asia. In general, MTS has gone about its Turkmen problems all wrong. First, it's clear that the answer lay between the numbers 1 and 585 million, meaning how much of its revenue it was willing to share with the Turkmen. Perhaps the only figure the Turkmen would accept all along was 585, but one suspects that at some point, earlier in the game, the number could have been smaller. Judging by a talk with an MTS representative yesterday, and by MTS press releases, the company was simply out of its depth: Come November and December, MTS thought it was still negotiating, even though the game had shifted dramatically.
Then MTS compounded its error -- it immediately filed a complaint with the International Court of Arbitration in Paris. Yesterday, Joshua Tulgan, MTS's director of investor relations and acting director of corporate finance, sought political support in Washington, making the rounds of the State Department and Congress to lay out MTS's complaints. I met with Tulgan over coffee.
Tulgan explained the injustice of MTS losing out after investing $200 million in Turkmenistan, plus the injustice to its 1,500 employees in Turkmenistan. But I kept thinking -- and told Tulgan -- about the disconnect between what he was saying and how business is really done in Turkmenistan. There simply is no record that I know of in which an aggrieved foreign investor achieved its aims in foreign arbitration -- Turkmenistan doesn't recognize any such body, and even if it did, it wouldn't necessarily comply with any foreign judgment. Furthermore, gripes from Washington and other foreign capitals have traditionally been ignored in Ashgabad.
Instead, if Turkmen grievances are resolved, it is usually done in the sauna, over vodka, and over a cash split. You work your contacts. Tulgan said that his guys had a lot of experience in Turkmenistan, a "different experience" from my own. Fair enough. But he also said that Turkmenistan has the world's second-largest gas reserves (it has the fourth); that Turkmen landlines and Internet don't work, so that without MTS the country was left isolated (Turkmen landlines work just fine, as does its Internet); that without Russia, Turkmenistan has no alternative natural gas export route (Turkmenistan ships gas through China and Iran as well), and also that MTS is not a Russian company (no comment). Basically, Tulgan doesn't know much about Turkmenistan.
Which returns us to a basic rule of frontier investment: One can get into an ultra-emerging economy like Turkmenistan and earn a bonanza, but eventually locals will catch on to the largesse and want much more -- or all -- the business themselves. So one has to have a ready exit strategy.
As we've discussed, that's been the case with fuel sales in Kyrgyzstan, and Big Oil's experience in Russia. Now it's MTS's turn.